Frequently Asked Questions About Iran-Israel Relations

Yes, Iran and Israel maintained full diplomatic relations from 1950 until 1979. Under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Iran was one of only two Muslim-majority countries to recognize Israel, alongside Turkey. During this 29-year period, the two countries engaged in extensive cooperation across multiple domains. Iran supplied approximately 90 percent of Israel's oil needs during the 1970s, which proved particularly valuable during the Arab oil embargo following the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Trade reached $227 million annually by 1978, and security cooperation included intelligence sharing and joint military projects. The relationship ended abruptly with the 1979 Islamic Revolution, when Ayatollah Khomeini's government adopted a strongly anti-Israel stance as a core foreign policy principle. The Israeli embassy in Tehran was closed and handed over to the Palestine Liberation Organization.

The shift resulted from the fundamental ideological transformation that accompanied Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution. Ayatollah Khomeini and the revolutionary government adopted an anti-Zionist stance based on their interpretation of Islamic principles and opposition to Western influence in the Middle East. The new regime positioned support for Palestinian rights as a central pillar of foreign policy, viewing the Palestinian cause as a Islamic obligation. This represented a complete reversal from the Shah's pragmatic, security-based alliance with Israel. The revolutionary government saw the Shah's relationship with Israel as evidence of his subservience to Western interests, making opposition to Israel both an ideological imperative and a way to differentiate the new Islamic Republic from the previous monarchy. This position has remained consistent across different Iranian administrations since 1979, though the intensity of rhetoric and specific policies have varied.

Iran's nuclear program officially began in the 1950s with U.S. assistance under the Atoms for Peace program, but expanded significantly after the 1979 revolution. The program includes uranium enrichment facilities, nuclear reactors, and research centers. While Iran maintains its program is entirely peaceful and aimed at energy production and medical isotopes, Israel and many Western nations suspect Iran seeks nuclear weapons capability. Israel views a nuclear-armed Iran as an existential threat for several reasons: Iranian leaders have made hostile statements about Israel's future, Iran supports militant groups like Hezbollah and Hamas that attack Israel, and nuclear weapons would dramatically shift regional power dynamics. By 2013, Iran had installed approximately 19,000 centrifuges. The 2015 JCPOA temporarily limited Iran's activities, but after U.S. withdrawal in 2018, Iran resumed expanding its program. By 2023, Iran had enriched uranium to 60 percent purity, approaching the 90 percent needed for weapons.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, signed in July 2015 between Iran and the P5+1 nations (United States, United Kingdom, France, Russia, China, and Germany), placed strict limits on Iran's nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. The agreement capped uranium enrichment at 3.67 percent, reduced Iran's centrifuge count to about 6,000, limited uranium stockpiles to 300 kilograms, and established extensive international inspections. Israel strongly opposed the JCPOA, with Prime Minister Netanyahu arguing it legitimized Iran's nuclear program while only delaying weapons capability by 10-15 years. Israel conducted an extensive diplomatic campaign against the agreement, including Netanyahu's controversial March 2015 address to the U.S. Congress. When the United States withdrew from the JCPOA in May 2018 and reimposed sanctions, Israel supported the decision. Iran subsequently began exceeding the agreement's limits, creating the current situation where Iran's nuclear program is more advanced than when the JCPOA was implemented.

Iran provides substantial military and financial support to several organizations opposed to Israel, making it the primary state sponsor of anti-Israel militant activity. Hezbollah in Lebanon receives approximately $700 million annually from Iran, including advanced rockets, missiles, and military training. This support has made Hezbollah one of the most capable non-state military actors globally, with an estimated arsenal of 130,000-150,000 rockets. Iran provides Hamas in Gaza with approximately $100 million yearly for weapons, tunnel construction, and operations. Palestinian Islamic Jihad receives about $70 million annually. Iran also supports the Houthi movement in Yemen with missiles and drones, some of which have been used in attacks targeting Israel or Israeli-linked vessels. This support serves multiple Iranian strategic objectives: applying pressure on Israel across multiple fronts, establishing deterrence against Israeli or U.S. military action, projecting influence throughout the region, and maintaining ideological credibility as a supporter of Palestinian rights.

Iran and Israel have not engaged in direct, declared warfare between their territories, but they have conducted extensive covert operations, cyber attacks, and proxy conflicts against each other. Israel has conducted hundreds of airstrikes against Iranian targets in Syria since 2011, targeting weapons shipments to Hezbollah and Iranian military installations. The 2010 Stuxnet cyberattack, widely attributed to Israel and the United States, damaged approximately 1,000 centrifuges at Iran's Natanz nuclear facility. Israel has reportedly assassinated several Iranian nuclear scientists, including Mohsen Fakhrizadeh in November 2020. Iran has attempted attacks on Israeli and Jewish targets globally, including the 2012 bombing in Bulgaria that killed five Israeli tourists. In May 2018, Iran launched approximately 20 rockets at Israeli military positions in the Golan Heights, marking one of the few direct Iranian attacks on Israeli-controlled territory. Israel immediately retaliated with extensive strikes on Iranian positions in Syria. This pattern of indirect confrontation allows both countries to pursue their objectives while avoiding full-scale war.